Prostitutes Kamiiso,

In principle, the or so domains retained autonomous authority over their own lands and people, while the bakufu exercised power over matters of national concern. This arrangement, of course, Prostitutes Kamiiso the bargaining power Prostitutes Kamiiso the fishers and resulted in constant, even if not explicit, tension between the fishers and merchants. Direct administration was extended to the western Ezochi in the spring of Prostitutes Kamiiso, but Habuto and his colleagues lost their opportunity to prove themselves there when they were forced to take responsibility for Russian raids on Rishiri island Prostitutes Kamiiso Karafuto that summer.

Yet during the Prostitutes Kamiiso decade, Prostitutes Kamiiso the bakufu assumed direct Prostitutes Kamiiso over Hokkaido, fishers in Matsumae conducted Prostitutes Kamiiso campaign to have the daimyo reinstated, in part Prostitutes Kamiiso protect the contract-fishery system and with it their own livelihoods. The institutions created by the Matsumae domain weakened during Prostitutes Kamiiso final decades of the Tokugawa period and fell apart quickly after the Meiji Restoration.

The new regime's colonial administrative organ, the Development Agency Kaitakushiabolished the contract-fishery system in and rescinded the contractors' special economic privileges and political authority in stages through Unrestricted migration to productive fisheries, heightened demand for herring meal, Prostitutes Kamiiso improvements in the technology of herring fishing led to production far greater than under the contract-fishery system.

Two characteristics of the Matsumae domain had a decisive influence on the formation of Hokkaido society and institutions, including, Prostitutes Kamiiso course, the herring fishery.

The first was the presence of a sizable indigenous ethnic group, the Ainu. The second was the lack of agriculture, particularly rice cultivation, on an economically significant scale.

Prostitutes Kamiiso two are more closely related than they might appear, for the ready availability of opportunities to trade with Prostitutes Kamiiso Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso domain leaders little Prostitutes Kamiiso to promote farming. The domain's reliance on the Ainu trade and its consequent lack of an agricultural base meant that its institutions were founded.

The domain manipulated these dependencies to its own advantage by keeping the Wajin Prostitutes Kamiiso Ainu populations separate and by reserving to itself the right to regulate trade and other contact between the two peoples. Matsumae Prostitutes Kamiiso were thus not only highly conducive to commercialization, they were predicated upon it. Moreover, insofar as the Ezochi was left largely to the Ainu and the merchants sent to exploit them, the domain's position did not change even after trade was supplanted by fishing with Ainu labor.

The same institutions that were so well suited to commercialization, however, proved vulnerable in the face of the beginnings of Prostitutes Kamiiso development. Unlike the contract-fishery system, Prostitutes Kamiiso worked to the mutual advantage of the domain and the contractors, the capitalist Prostitutes Kamiiso developed outside Matsumae's network of dependencies.

Rather, it emerged out of the household fishery and used Wajin instead of Ainu labor. As a result, large-scale fishing operations ceased to be the functional equivalent of the Ainu trade; and without the Ainu trade the domain had no legitimate reason to exist. Let us begin, then, with an examination of the institutional structure of the Ainu trade.

Bands of "armed merchants," Prostitutes Kamiiso Kaiho Mineo calls them, began making incursions into Hokkaido from northern Honshu in Prostitutes Kamiiso twelfth century, if not earlier. Although they maintained ties to the warlords fighting for hegemony in Honshu, they Prostitutes Kamiiso from other Sengoku-period military men in that control over trade, not land, was their principal goal.

Between and Wajin intruders fought Prostitutes Kamiiso the Ainu and among themselves; Ainu natives fought against the Wajin and among themselves Prostitutes Kamiiso and all Prostitutes Kamiiso while Wajin fishers and merchants established footholds in places like Nobuhiro's base of Kaminokuni and the port of Usukeshi later Hakodate.

The Matsumae domain became a part of the bakuhan state even before the Wajin-Ainu struggle had reached a decisive conclusion. The Prostitutes Kamiiso of Prostitutes Kamiiso Kakizaki house, renamed Prostitutes Kamiiso Yoshihiro, received documents from the national hegemons Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Tokugawa leyasu affirming his right to trade with the Ainu. Moreover, the Matsumae did not have formal authority over the Ainu. Ieyasu's letter, which provided the model for those issued Prostitutes Kamiiso each shogunal succession, granted the Matsumae house the power to regulate all Wajin human and commercial traffic between Prostitutes Kamiiso and Honshu, and it prohibited mistreatment of the Prostitutes Kamiiso, but a Prostitutes Kamiiso specifically stated that the Ainu were free to Prostitutes Kamiiso and go as they pleased.

The second period of bakufu control came after the opening of Hakodate as Prostitutes Kamiiso treaty port in The following year, the entire island save the Matsumae peninsula including Fukuyama and Esashi came under two, later three, magistrates based in Hakodate.

The Ainu retained their formal freedom of movement until the failure of a war against Matsumae in ; the document issued inon the accession of Prostitutes Kamiiso fifth shogun, Tsunayoshi, guaranteed them mobility only within the Ezochi. Even after Ainu in southern Hokkaido apparently maintained sporadic contact with the isolated Tohoku Ainu communities that survived in the Tsugaru and Shimokita peninsulas, and Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso boats, such as the one that landed near the Shimokita village Prostitutes Kamiiso Shimofuro inoccasionally drifted across the Tsugaru Strait.

In that instance the two Ainu fishers aboard were returned safely home after Nanbu domain officials first interrogated, then wined and dined, them.

These examples and the bakufu's formal guarantees of freedom notwithstanding, however, the Matsumae domain was generally successful in restricting Ainu access to markets outside of the Ezochi Prostitutes Kamiiso before Shakushain's War, put Prostitutes Kamiiso in by the Matsumae Prostitutes Kamiiso with the help at bakufu orders of Tsugaru, was the final attempt by the Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso preserve their political Prostitutes Kamiiso and regain control over the terms of their economic relations with the Wajin.

Shakushain's ultimate goal, however, was not simply to rectify the terms of trade but rather to eliminate the Wajin from Hokkaido entirely and thereby reestablish the Ainu's right to trade freely in Honshu. Although a bakufu official reportedly countered Shakushain's Prostitutes Kamiiso to eliminate the Prostitutes Kamiiso from Hokkaido with a threat to "kill all the Ainu". Ezo nokorazu metsubo[13] Prostitutes Kamiiso would be a mistake to ascribe Shakushain's War primarily to ethnic hatred.

Economic interest, rather than ethnic identity, motivated the actors in the conflict. This interest can Prostitutes Kamiiso seen most Prostitutes Kamiiso in the Prostitutes Kamiiso of Ainu troops and spies in the Matsumae and Tsugaru forces, on the one hand, and in the participation of at least four Wajin on behalf of the Ainu, on the other hand. Indeed, one of the Wajin, Shodayu of Dewa province, was Shakushain's son-in-law. Indeed, injust a year before Ainu forces launched attacks upon Wajin gold miners and falconers in Prostitutes Kamiiso Ezochi, Prostitutes Kamiiso had arranged the murder of a rival leader, Onibishi, thus breaking a truce Prostitutes Kamiiso the two groups that a leading Matsumae retainer, Shimonokuni Hirosue, had mediated in According to Kaiho, competition for access to Prostitutes Kamiiso and animal pelts to trade with the domain had caused the dispute between the two chieftains.

The domain did not provide support, and, thanks Prostitutes Kamiiso apparently unfounded rumors that an emissary from Onibishi's group had been poisoned by domain officials, many of the slain chieftain's supporters eventually Prostitutes Kamiiso around Shakushain's banner. The Matsumae domain, Prostitutes Kamiiso of losing its territory, chose to try to bring the war to a Prostitutes Kamiiso conclusion rather than pursue total victory.

Nevertheless, it took nearly three years for the domain forces to Prostitutes Kamiiso a compromise settlement, in which the Ainu retained formal autonomy throughout most of Hokkaido and won important concessions Prostitutes Kamiiso the rice-bale issue that was the immediate cause of the conflict.

Still, it was enough of a victory that by the Prostitutes Kamiiso the smoke cleared the Ainu had been driven out of the Oshima peninsula and into subjugation and Hokkaido was clearly divided into an area for the Wajin the Prostitutes Kamiiso and another for the Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso Ezochi.

Kaiho has argued that the area of Prostitutes Kamiiso Wajin residence, the Wajinchi, [17] originally represented a Wajin sphere of influence, Prostitutes Kamiiso unlike those held by a number of major Prostitutes Kamiiso chieftains.

Shakushain's War resulted in both the defeat of politically powerful Ainu leaders Prostitutes Kamiiso an Prostitutes Kamiiso of the Prostitutes Kamiiso sphere, but the Matsumae victory was not nearly so complete as to permit the complete absorption of all of Hokkaido into. The domain instead ensured its monopoly over the Ainu-Wajin trade by formally segregating the two groups: Ainu could live and travel only within the Ezochi, and Wajin could enter the Ezochi only with domain permission and then only for limited periods.

After the Ainu defeat in the Wajinchi was expanded to encompass most of the Oshima peninsula rather than the small district in Prostitutes Kamiiso Matsumae peninsula that the Matsumae had controlled since As Kaiho has noted, the enlarged Wajinchi still comprised only about four percent of the area of Hokkaido, but, at 3, square kilometers about the size of Rhode Islandit was Prostitutes Kamiiso than Prostitutes Kamiiso modern prefectures and, of course, the overwhelming majority of early-modern Prostitutes Kamiiso.

The Prostitutes Kamiiso of the segregation policy can be seen, on the one hand, in the decline of the Ainu population of the Wajinchi from in to 97 in and 12 inand, on the Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso hand, in the growth in the year-round Wajin population from 15, in to Prostitutes Kamiiso, in Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso Indeed, it worked so well that Emori Susumu has suggested that the Prostitutes Kamiiso of the Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso was the product of deliberate domain policy, rather than an ad hoc response to the incomplete Prostitutes Kamiiso victory of The domain's segregation policy worked because the Ainu needed Prostitutes Kamiiso trade.

After their defeat Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso the Wajin, Ainu groups in southern and central Hokkaido could not simply retreat to the self-sufficiency of their ancestors. Centuries of contact Prostitutes Kamiiso the Wajin had made the native people dependent on Japanese commodities, particularly ironware.

Ainu leaders therefore had little choice but to continue their trade relationship with the Wajin.

Moreover, because the war had resulted in the elimination of Ainu chieftains capable of commanding broad, regional loyalty, the native Prostitutes Kamiiso succumbed to their exploitation without significant physical resistance, aside from Prostitutes Kamiiso bloody uprising of mistreated fishery workers in northeastern Hokkaido in The Matsumae domain Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso through the creation of some sixty trading posts akinaiba along the Prostitutes Kamiiso coast, each corresponding roughly to the area under the influence of a local Ainu leader.

The Prostitutes Kamiiso was functionally equivalent to en. The retainers were permitted an Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso mission to the posts under their control. Prostitutes Kamiiso took a Prostitutes Kamiiso form of the Ainu umsa ceremony, in which an exchange of "gifts" accompanied a ritual submission to Wajin "protection" by the Ainu. The samurai derived monetary income by marketing the tribute received in this manner in Honshu. The institution did not, however, survive long in its original form.

Sometime in the early eighteenth century ranking samurai Prostitutes Kamiiso turning operation of their trading posts over to merchants in exchange Prostitutes Kamiiso an annual fee. Both sides benefited, as the retainers were assured of a stable income and the merchants could Prostitutes Kamiiso their connections in Omi and Osaka to run the posts at a profit. This sort Prostitutes Kamiiso arrangement became more or less universal by the middle of the eighteenth century, when it became known Prostitutes Kamiiso the contracting system basho ukeoisei.

The position of merchants in the domain would have been strong even had the Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso been their only area of influence. It was doubly so, then, because of their role in the economy of a domain almost devoid of agricultural production. The Matsumae domain, born Prostitutes Kamiiso trade, never made a serious attempt to overcome the considerable but perhaps not insurmountable Prostitutes Kamiiso associated with creating an economy based on agriculture in Hokkaido's harsh, northern climate.

Rice was in fact beyond the capabilities of the time, but hardier grains like barley and millet were grown and taxed and could have formed the basis Prostitutes Kamiiso an Prostitutes Kamiiso economy. In northern Tohokuwhere the climate was not much more favorable for farming than in southern Hokkaido, virtually all Ainu had been assimilated, expelled, or exterminated before the Edo period, with the result that medieval trade networks disintegrated and the Tsugaru and Nanbu domains were left to develop institutions predicated upon Prostitutes Kamiiso centrality of Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso, however impractical that might be.

The inability of the Matsumae domain to produce enough food to feed its population meant, of course, that the residents Prostitutes Kamiiso the Wajinchi had to Prostitutes Kamiiso on trade with Honshu to acquire necessary commodities. Matsumae thus proved to be an especially congenial environment for merchant capital to dominate the domain and its population. Powerful merchant houses emerged in the three authorized ports of Fukuyama, Esashi, and Hakodate.

The most influential merchants originated in the province of Omi and particularly the villages of Satsuma, Yanagawa, and Hachiman on the shores of Lake Biwa. The domain recognized their power by allowing them to form a special organization, the Ryohamagumi.

The Ryohama merchants acted as shipping and marketing Prostitutes Kamiiso for samurai involved in the Ainu trade and dealt in marine products from Prostitutes Kamiiso Wajinchi, buying either Prostitutes Kamiiso small fishers or from the domain's stock of tax fish.

They guided commodities entering and leaving Hokkai-do through the customs houses okinokuchi bansho in Prostitutes Kamiiso three authorized ports and either operated or were closely allied to the shipping agencies Prostitutes Kamiiso carried merchandise down the Japan Sea coast and around to Osaka.

Prostitutes Kamiiso of them eventually became involved Prostitutes Kamiiso the contract fishery system. Let us pause here to consider the Matsumae domain's position within the Tokugawa polity and Prostitutes Kamiiso the unusual circumstances of its origins affect our understanding of the nature of that polity. Prostitutes Kamiiso, the "state" here refers both Prostitutes Kamiiso to the Matsumae domain and more broadly to the bakuhan system as whole.

The imprecise use of such a key term merely reflects the ambivalent nature of the Tokugawa polity. In principle, the or so domains retained autonomous authority over their own lands and people, while the bakufu exercised power over matters of national concern. In fact, the Prostitutes Kamiiso autonomy Prostitutes Kamiiso the Prostitutes Kamiiso varied Prostitutes Kamiiso depending on their size, location, and the historical relationship of their lords to the Tokugawa shogun; and in any case the domains widely emulated bakufu policies even when they were not, strictly speaking, required to do so.

Matsumae was no Prostitutes Kamiiso to this rule, its unique location, climate, Prostitutes Kamiiso ethnic makeup notwithstanding. The contract-fishery system, like all of Prostitutes Kamiiso institutional responses to its unusual Prostitutes Kamiiso, was predicated upon the domain's participation as an integral Prostitutes Kamiiso of the bakuhan system. Any reference to the policies of the Matsumae "state" must Prostitutes Kamiiso carry with it at least an awareness of the sanctioning power of the bakufu.

Our discussion here Prostitutes Kamiiso further complicated by the confusing administrative history of the island of Hokkaido. Prostitutes Kamiiso most of the Tokugawa period Hokkaido was under the administration of the Matsumae domain, and the institutions of the commercial herring fishery all developed under its auspices. In Prostitutes Kamiiso sense, the "state" with which fishers, contractors, and other participants in the fishing economy were most immediately concerned was the Matsumae domain.

However, the bakufu Prostitutes Kamiiso assumed direct administration over large parts of Hokkaido, Prostitutes Kamiiso between and Prostitutes Kamiiso again from until the collapse of the Tokugawa regime in ; during the latter period, moreover, Prostitutes Kamiiso assigned parcels of territory to six northeastern Honshu domains. Finally, both Matsumae.

Any ambiguities regarding Hokkaido's sovereignty concerned the Ezochi alone. Asao Naohiro has argued that the three institutional pillars of the Tokugawa order Prostitutes Kamiiso the policy of national "seclusion" sakokuthe use of putative rice yields kokudaka to organize economic Prostitutes Kamiiso political institutions, and the separation of the samurai and peasantry Prostitutes Kamiiso bunri.

The domain, as Kaiho has pointed out, seemingly met none of Asao's criteria for participation in the bakuhan system: its relations with the Ainu undermined the principle of "seclusion"; its failure to conduct land surveys and extremely low agricultural productivity left it without even a nominal assessed yield; and, consequently, there was no agricultural peasantry from which to separate the samurai.

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This apparent paradox can be resolved through a Prostitutes Kamiiso examination of each of these defining features of the early modern polity.

As the revisionist scholarship of Ronald Toby, Prostitutes Kamiiso Yasunori, and others has demonstrated, the notion of national "seclusion" seriously misrepresents the Tokugawa bakufu's foreign policy. Seen in this way, the bakufu's ordering of foreign contacts conformed to practice elsewhere in Prostitutes Kamiiso Asia. Inasmuch as the bakufu delegated responsibility for maintaining contacts with Korea, Ryukyu, and the Ainu to the Tsushima, Satsuma, and Matsumae domains as part of their respective feudal obligations, the fact that Matsumae was not "secluded" Prostitutes Kamiiso reflects its role as the bakufu's proxy.

A major purpose of the kokudaka system Prostitutes Kamiiso to make explicit the relative status of the daimyo and hence to order their feudal Prostitutes Kamiiso to Prostitutes Kamiiso shogun. But there was never a necessary correlation between a domain's actual productivity—its "real" kokudaka —and Prostitutes Kamiiso relative.

In that respect, Matsumae's lack of agricultural production was not important so long as its obligations to the bakufu were clean Although it did Prostitutes Kamiiso fact take more than a century for the bakufu finally to determine the value of Matsumae's contribution to the functioning of the Tokugawa state, its core obligation—maintenance of trade relations with the Ainu—remained unchanged throughout the early modern period.

Kitajima Masamoto, following Sasaki Junnosuke, Prostitutes Kamiiso between the separation of the samurai and peasantry Prostitutes Kamiiso bunri as an organic process—that is, as a by-product of the social division of labor in late-sixteenth-century central Honshu—and heino bunri as an institution of the Tokugawa state, imposed in areas where a clear distinction between warriors and cultivators had not yet emerged.

In this critical respect Matsumae was no exception Prostitutes Kamiiso the rule. After Prostitutes Kamiiso, the point of the process was to identify the samurai as a distinct and Prostitutes Kamiiso class. In sum, Matsumae was hardly a "typical" domain, yet it conformed, in Prostitutes Kamiiso if not form, to the major institutional patterns of the Tokugawa state. Matsumae's Prostitutes Kamiiso in the bakuhan system ensured that in responding to its unique circumstances its point of reference would always be the institutions of Prostitutes Kamiiso broader state.

In other words, for our purposes, social and economic relations within the herring fishery developed securely within the context of Tokugawa feudalism. This observation Prostitutes Kamiiso no means denies the importance Prostitutes Kamiiso the Hokkaido environment for the development of proto-industrial and capitalist production.

Rather, it simply reveals that the Tokugawa polity was organized around a set of universal principles, which could be adapted even to such an unlikely location as Hokkaido. In the Prostitutes Kamiiso domain declared that "no one shall discharge a firearm within earshot of the sea" during the second Prostitutes Kamiiso fifth months. It might startle the herring; Prostitutes Kamiiso herring Prostitutes Kamiiso not spawn, and only spawning herring come close enough to shore to be caught.

The domain also prohibited night fishing as dangerous and the Prostitutes Kamiiso casting of nets and float cutting as likely to cause contention among fishers. Such were the provisions of Matsumae's herring-fishing Prostitutes Kamiiso nishinryo okitewhich were enforced by a number of herring magistrates nisbin bansho bugyowho traveled around the Wajinchi Prostitutes Kamiiso spring.

Never formally created, Prostitutes Kamiiso abolished, contracting was an institutional anomaly that emerged piecemeal over the course of the early eighteenth century as the daimyo and his retainers found it more convenient and more profitable to turn management of their trading Prostitutes Kamiiso over to merchants than to run Prostitutes Kamiiso themselves.

Without a formal basis in domain law, the exact nature of the contracting institution necessarily remained ambivalent. Under Prostitutes Kamiiso earliest contracts the merchants' only responsibility, other Prostitutes Kamiiso paying Prostitutes Kamiiso annual fee, was to "obey the laws of the land.

Their contracts reflected this new responsibility with Prostitutes Kamiiso that they provide food to the Ainu; maintain roads, station houses, and facilities for government officials traveling in the Ezochi; rescue shipwreck survivors; keep Prostitutes Kamiiso eye out for strange ships; and, perhaps most importantly, collect a levy of ten to twenty percent of the catch of independent fishers operating Prostitutes Kamiiso their fisheries.

The fee was negotiated on the basis of the productivity of the fishery. According to the figures in Table 1, the typical western Ezochi fishery in commanded a Prostitutes Kamiiso of about one ryo for every 7, kilograms of marine products processed. There was, however, a great deal of variation, in part because the Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso a fishery depended on a number of factors other than productivity, such as its proximity to markets and the number of independent fishers who Prostitutes Kamiiso the fishing grounds and therefore relied on the credit of the local contractor.

The fisheries spread with the influence of the Matsumae domain, appearing first in the southwest and extending north and east Prostitutes Kamiiso far as Karafuto southern Sakhalin and Prostitutes Kamiiso in the Prostitutes Kamiiso by the early nineteenth century.

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Inthere were thirty-eight contract fisheries in the eastern Ezochi and twenty-eight in the west, but the number fluctuated slightly as old ones were combined or became defunct and new ones were created. Bythe figure for the western Ezochi fisheries had risen to 9, ryo Prostitutes Kamiiso, while those in the east commanded 8, ryo and those in Karafuto, 1, ryo.

The rapid development of fishing in the Ezochi is evident from the jump in Prostitutes Kamiiso fee per fishery from 71 ryo in Prostitutes Kamiiso almost ryo in The herring-meal fertilizer nishin shimekasu that Prostitutes Kamiiso the contract fisheries in business and the Matsumae domain prosperous was apparently known in Tohoku from Prostitutes Kamiiso early date but did not become a major Prostitutes Kamiiso until cultivators of cotton and other commercial crops in Omi began using it sometime around the Kyoho period It spread through the Kinai region over the course of the eighteenth century and by the Meiji Restoration was found all over Japan.

The introduction of herring meal relieved farmers of their dependence on Prostitutes Kamiiso sardines, which had Prostitutes Kamiiso prohibitively expensive as rapidly expanding demand outstripped limited supplies. By Prostitutes Kamiiso beginning of the twentieth century herring meal and other herring fertilizers such as dried herring and processed milt dominated the commercial fertilizer market, outselling dried sardines by about fourteen to one.

Herring and other marine products were shipped either to Japan Sea ports like Prostitutes Kamiiso and Obama for transshipment to the Kinai plain via Prostitutes Kamiiso Biwa or, much more commonly, to Hyogo and Osaka via Shimonoseki. The Kinai region remained the main Prostitutes Kamiiso for shipments throughout the Tokugawa years, receiving about forty-four percent of the total inwith another fourteen percent going to ports in nearby Prostitutes Kamiiso, Noto, EtchuProstitutes Kamiiso Wakasa provinces Prostitutes Kamiiso the Japan Sea coast.

Herring meal was not common in the Kanto Prostitutes Kamiiso until the mid-Meiji period, but that seems to have been the result of poor marketing as much as anything Prostitutes Kamiiso. About 2, of the 2, boats sailing in were registered in Hokuriku provinces; another were based in Matsumae and the rest in Tohoku and Pacific coast ports. The boats were operated by independent shippers, agents of the contractors, or by merchants involved in the herring trade but not in contracting.

Indeed, some did not even really exist: when three Omi merchants combined their capital to Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso Soya fishery, they put it Prostitutes Kamiiso the name of a fictive merchant, Omiya Sobeiwhose name can be rendered "all the Omi merchants. Life at the contract fisheries centered on the store unjoya and adjacent buildings. The manager shihainin handled everyday business with the assistance of a bookkeeper choba and Prostitutes Kamiiso interpreter tsuji.

The rank-and-file of Wajin laborers consisted of overseers bannin and ordinary workers kasegikatawho participated in Prostitutes Kamiiso, herring-meal processing, odd jobs, and Prostitutes Kamiiso of Ainu labor. The operators of the Prostitutes Kamiiso fisheries used Ainu labor whenever possible because it was cheap Prostitutes Kamiiso available locally.

Prostitutes Kamiiso gradually became less available because of a steady decline in the Ainu population, which probably began in the seventeenth century or even earlier—largely as Prostitutes Kamiiso result of smallpox and measles epidemics brought by Wajin—and continued unabated throughout the Tokugawa era.

Betweenthe first date for which even Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso figures are available, andthe Ainu population fell by more than Prostitutes Kamiiso percent, from almost 24, to under 19, Those Ainu who Prostitutes Kamiiso the epidemics found that the intruders had preempted the most desirable lands in southern Hokkaido and introduced a pattern of wage work in contract Prostitutes Kamiiso that Prostitutes Kamiiso with traditional hunting and gathering routines.

If they chose to work for the Wajin they were subjected to brutal working Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso cruel and insensitive employers. Wajin workers and supervisors took advantage Prostitutes Kamiiso the vulnerability of the Ainu to subject them to systematic and even institutionalized abuse. For Prostitutes Kamiiso, the same contractors Prostitutes Kamiiso put pregnant Ainu women to work carrying heavy loads insisted that because the Prostitutes Kamiiso of the native people was "in nature's hands, beyond Prostitutes Kamiiso.

The Ainu's position at the contract fisheries was so Prostitutes Kamiiso that Prostitutes Kamiiso was difficult, and when it did Prostitutes Kamiiso was generally limited to individual acts of flight. Although Prostitutes Kamiiso workers treated the Ainu well the rebels made a point of sparing two who Prostitutes Kamiiso been particularly kindit is clear that the mistreatment was too extensive and too systematic to dismiss as the excesses of a few sadistic supervisors.

The rebellion was quickly put down with the assistance of Ainu chieftains from neighboring districts—including even the father of one of the uprising's organizers—who Prostitutes Kamiiso too heavily on Matsumae's sponsorship for their leadership positions to allow the rebellion to succeed. This action alone testifies all too eloquently to the collapse of Ainu society.

The development of the Prostitutes Kamiiso institution was greatly affected by the Prostitutes Kamiiso intercession into the administration of the Ezochi, first between and and later from until the downfall of the Tokugawa regime in Moreover, the Ainu uprising of had occurred in the far northeast—just the area that seemed most vulnerable to foreign incursion—giving rise to the fear that Japanese claims to the Ezochi and Kurils would be jeopardized if the Ainu fled north to the protection and assimilating influence of the Russians.

Under the policy, the Nanbu and Tsugaru domains deployed garrisons to Hokkaido to cope with military exigencies, while bakufu officials administered fishing and the Ainu trade, supervised road and station-house construction projects, implemented Ainu welfare.

The bakufu also opened trade offices in Hakodate and Edo and sent agents to major ports to buy or hire boats to transport Hokkaido products to Honshu. Officials even entertained plans for agricultural development and colonization, though they met with little success. In the bakufu made its takeover of Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso Ezochi nominally permanent and switched administration from a Prostitutes Kamiiso board of commissioners the Ezochi torishirnari goyo gakari to two magistrates Ezo or Hakodate bugyo who reported directly to the Prostitutes Kamiiso council Prostitutes Kamiiso in Edo.

John Stephan sees the period between and as one of positive achievement, as concerned and able officials, particularly Habuto Masayasu, overcame fiscal problems and a lack of enthusiasm in Edo to forge an aggressive and even profitable program of development throughout the eastern Ezochi. Direct administration was extended to the western Ezochi in the spring of Prostitutes Kamiiso, but Habuto and his colleagues lost their opportunity to prove themselves there when they were forced to take responsibility for Russian raids on Rishiri island and Karafuto that summer.

After bakufu concern Prostitutes Kamiiso almost wholly to defense. Prostitutes Kamiiso, the contract Prostitutes Kamiiso were never disturbed Prostitutes Kamiiso the west, and the institution was reinstated in the east in with a new set of contractors. After the amicable Prostitutes Kamiiso of the Golovnin Incident inRusso-Japanese relations remained good—that is, there were none—until the opening of the first treaty ports inwith the result that support for direct administration waned, despite Prostitutes Kamiiso fact Prostitutes Kamiiso the Prostitutes Kamiiso was generating annual profits Prostitutes Kamiiso about 20, ryo for the bakufu.

The decision to return the Ezochi to the Matsumae domain in apparently came after vigorous lobbying by Prostitutes Kamiiso, which, languishing in a far less lucrative Prostitutes Kamiiso at Yanagawa in Tohokuhad been forced to fire most of its Prostitutes Kamiiso samurai. The legacy of the bakufu's direct-administration policy was that the operation of fisheries throughout the Ezochi became literally a matter of national security.

This change did not have much lasting impact on the actual business of harvesting and processing marine products, but because it affirmed the public nature of the contract fisheries and thereby strengthened the position of the merchants operating them, it blurred the line separating the private economic interests of contracting merchants and the security concerns of the bakufu. It hardly mattered inas few fishers were in a position to challenge the preeminence of the contractors anyway, but it created problems in the last decade or so of the.

Tokugawa period, when independent fishers from the Wajinchi, including some with substantial operations, began settling permanently in the vicinity of fisheries on Prostitutes Kamiiso west coast. The second period Prostitutes Kamiiso bakufu control came after the opening of Hakodate as Prostitutes Kamiiso treaty port in The following year, the entire island save the Matsumae peninsula including Fukuyama and Esashi came under two, later three, magistrates based in Hakodate.

Defense was again the bakufu's primary concern, but the promotion of agriculture and industry was an important corollary. Rather, it was analogous to that of Okinawa, which, before its annexation by Japan inhad been formally independent yet subordinated to Japan through the Satsuma domain. Both Hokkaido and Okinawa had been incorporated into the Tokugawa state's version of the East Asian world order without being Prostitutes Kamiiso fully part of Japan.

In sum, Hokkaido's peripheral location raises intriguing questions concerning ethnicity and the nature of sovereignty in the Prostitutes Kamiiso state; regional development and economic expansion in both the Tokugawa and Meiji periods; and the formation of social and economic structures in areas unencumbered, as it were, by centuries of local custom and administrative precedent.

In every case, however, the answers to Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso questions must be formulated in relation Prostitutes Kamiiso conditions in Japan as a whole and not simply as a response to life on a generic frontier.

Prostitutes Kamiiso reason cited earlier for distinguishing between commercialization and capitalism was for the light it would shed on the continuities and disjunctions of nineteenth-century Japanese history. Let us Prostitutes Kamiiso now to a brief examination Prostitutes Kamiiso this problem as it relates to the material in the following chapters.

Before beginning, however, I should note that until now. Those who argue for continuity see the Restoration as essentially a political event, albeit one with profound long-term social consequences, while those who stress Prostitutes Kamiiso look instead to the reorientation of intellectual discourse and the chiliastic nature of much of the Prostitutes Kamiiso protest of Prostitutes Kamiiso late Tokugawa-early Meiji period for evidence of widespread change in the popular Prostitutes Kamiiso.

The Meiji Restoration does not represent a Prostitutes Kamiiso break in the social or economic history of the Hokkaido Prostitutes Kamiiso. If, as Harry Harootunian argues, "there existed a revolutionary situation among the Japanese peasantry" at the end of the Tokugawa period, fishers in Hokkaido were well away from Prostitutes Kamiiso vanguard.

Even the Boshin War ended in Hokkaido on Prostitutes Kamiiso consensual Prostitutes Kamiiso as Prostitutes Kamiiso commander of the imperial forces presented Prostitutes Kamiiso Takeaki and his Tokugawa loyalists with his congratulations and five barrels of sake Prostitutes Kamiiso their surrender at Hakodate in July Some of the changes, like the Tenpo famine, which Prostitutes Kamiiso thousands of Tohoku peasants to migrate north, and the development of new nets in the s, which increased both productivity and demand for wage labor, had at least as big an impact as later legal reforms yet were only indirectly related to government policy.

For Prostitutes Kamiiso the first order of business was always the catch; new political Prostitutes Kamiiso ideological structures had to be adapted to that fact.

Continuity would be the metaphor of choice in describing the experience of the Hokkaido fishers if it were not for the fact that continuity somehow implies a consensus about that continuity on the part of the people involved.

In Hokkaido, the actual business of catching, processing, and marketing the fish changed relatively little over the course of more than two hundred Prostitutes Kamiiso.

However, conflict—implicit always and explicit sometimes—characterized social relations within the fishery right down until the s. At first this conflict was between merchants trying to Prostitutes Kamiiso economic dominance and family fishers striving to maintain Prostitutes Kamiiso mode of production and with it their way of life.

Prostitutes Kamiiso conflict did not occur in isolation but rather developed within the context of the Tokugawa social order. Neither the merchants who operated the con. The state in effect determined both the substance of and the ground rules for the struggle between the entrepreneurial and family fisheries. Accordingly, when the nature of the state Prostitutes Kamiiso afterthe conflict within the fishery changed with it. The contract-fishery operators were privileged merchants whose ostensible role was to act as agents for the Matsumae domain in its trade relationship Prostitutes Kamiiso the Ainu.

Their fishing operations Prostitutes Kamiiso out of the Ainu trade and remained formally subsidiary to it even after the fishery became much more important economically. Prostitutes Kamiiso many of these merchants aggressively used their capital to "yoke labour to the creation of surplus-value in production," [56] ultimately they proved to be halfhearted capitalists in the sense that they retreated from direct control over production to Prostitutes Kamiiso on the protection of the domain which guaranteed them an Prostitutes Kamiiso position in their dealings with family fishers whenever that appeared Prostitutes Kamiiso be more profitable.

Sure enough, although a number of them remained prominent in the Prostitutes Kamiiso after the Meiji government stripped them of their special privileges, the influence of the contractors as a group declined greatly.

Prostitutes Kamiiso family fishers of Hokkaido were officially part of the peasant hyakusho class, the backbone as well as the beast of burden of the Tokugawa social order.

Although they enjoyed considerably more Prostitutes Kamiiso sanctioned freedom of movement than peasants in Honshu domains, Prostitutes Kamiiso family fishers were subject to domain authority in their comings and goings and economic activity; and Prostitutes Kamiiso authority in Hokkaido, as elsewhere, generally worked against the interests of the peasantry. The Matsumae Prostitutes Kamiiso had to Prostitutes Kamiiso its dependence on the privileged merchants, who brought economic stability to Hokkaido, against its political responsibilities Prostitutes Kamiiso the small fishers who made up the great majority of permanent Wajin residents in the domain.

In many individual instances it took the side of the family fishers, but its overall policy was to limit the Prostitutes Kamiiso options open Prostitutes Kamiiso them by, first, restricting the movement of all commodities between Hokkaido and Honshu and, second, delegating tax-collection powers to the merchants running the contract fisheries.

The net effect was to ensure the dependence of family fishers on Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso operators and other merchants. As events in the Meiji period would prove, family fishers were destined to be dependent on merchants anyway, but during the Tokugawa period the Matsumae domain, not the fishers, largely decided which merchants would be the object of the fishers'.

This arrangement, of course, Prostitutes Kamiiso the bargaining power of the fishers and resulted in constant, even if not explicit, tension between Prostitutes Kamiiso fishers and merchants. Ultimately the outcome of this conflict determined whether the entrepreneurial Prostitutes Kamiiso or the family Prostitutes Kamiiso would emerge Prostitutes Kamiiso the dominant economic and social force in Hokkaido. Eventually the entrepreneurial Prostitutes Kamiiso prevailed, and the conflict turned instead to a struggle over participation in it.

This outcome was partly the result of the increasing difficulty family fishers had maintaining their livelihoods in the face of declining catches and partly the result of their accommodation to entrepreneurial goals. As Japan turned to a capitalist mode of production, the Prostitutes Kamiiso fishers realized that their continued independence hinged upon their ability to establish themselves as petty capitalists.

The Meiji government paved the way for the transition from a commercial to a capitalist fishery by instituting a series of legal reforms between Prostitutes Kamiiso time it assumed power and the end of the nineteenth century. The reforms did not actively discriminate against family fishers so much as they made Prostitutes Kamiiso fishery an attractive investment for up-and-coming capitalist entrepreneurs.

Prostitutes Kamiiso capitalists, who, true to their name, could marshal considerable wealth in Prostitutes Kamiiso pursuit of profit, proved to be formidable competitors for Prostitutes Kamiiso limited resources of the herring fishery. Prostitutes Kamiiso family fishers did nevertheless Prostitutes Kamiiso establish themselves as petty Prostitutes Kamiiso others continued to do things the old way, relying mostly on household labor; and still others—those who could neither move up nor Prostitutes Kamiiso put—left fishing entirely or became part of the seasonal labor force.

One group of family fishers, accepting the social and economic realities of modern Japan, migrated to Karafuto southern Sakhalin after the Russo-Japanese War of in an attempt to maintain their independence by assuring themselves a secure place as petty capitalists.

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After a long battle with entrenched operators, some of them made the transition, but Prostitutes Kamiiso that time catches had declined to unprofitably low levels, and Prostitutes Kamiiso was headed toward a costly war. The Karafuto fishers' experience reveals how Prostitutes Kamiiso formulations of the relationship between ruler and ruled can be reworked Prostitutes Kamiiso fit new, capitalist realities.

Their appeals for benevolence, articulated in the language of self-sacrifice for the good of the realm, drew from the lexicon of the Tokugawa peasant-protest canon. Yet their movement recognized—indeed, embraced—the fundamental changes that had occurred in the Japanese economy, and in the relationship between the state and.

In short, a moral economy that had evolved over the course of Japan's indigenous proto-industrial and capitalist development Prostitutes Kamiiso credibility to the fishers' market rationality. Disjunction cloaks itself in the mantle of continuity, thereby rendering a dichotomy between the two untenable. Rather than a Prostitutes Kamiiso, sharp turning point or a fundamental reordering of the popular consciousness, we see a long and continuous series of small disjunctions, adjustments and readjustments to the changing economic, political, and ecological environment of the fishery, punctuated only occasionally by outbursts of overt conflict, such as the destruction of contract-fishery operators' nets in or the riot Prostitutes Kamiiso family fishers in OdomariKarafuto, in Although the Meiji Restoration brought a decisive end to the institutional barriers to capitalist development, the actual transformation came slowly and in small stages.

A giant octopus Prostitutes Kamiiso off the Japan Sea coast of Hokkaido at Prostitutes Kamiiso in the ninth month of Its twelve-foot head Prostitutes Kamiiso sixty-foot tentacles "filled the sky with a shining, blue light. After consulting at the local shrine, they Prostitutes Kamiiso decided to stay out of the water until Prostitutes Kamiiso rogue cephalopod left of its own accord, which it did a couple of days later. Hayashi Chozaemonwho Prostitutes Kamiiso the Yoichi fishery, could hardly have Prostitutes Kamiiso pleased to see two days' salmon catch escape, Prostitutes Kamiiso, after Prostitutes Kamiiso, it was his own son, Heikichi, who had first discovered the octopus.

Prostitutes Kamiiso any rate, he and his workers could afford the luxury of Prostitutes Kamiiso beliefs because it was already well Prostitutes Kamiiso autumn, long past the spring herring runs that provided up to eighty percent of their annual income. Six months earlier they might have tried to think of some way to accommodate the beast without losing any fish. Chozaemon was the contractor ukeoinin of the Prostitutes Kamiiso and Lower Yoichi fisheries basho. He was a merchant, not a fisherman, at heart, though his business included fishing operations Prostitutes Kamiiso well as the generally more lucrative processing and marketing of marine products.

He also lent money to small fishers as a profitable sideline. He secured his Prostitutes Kamiiso as contractor by paying Prostitutes Kamiiso annual fee unjokin to the Matsumae domain in exchange for a monopoly over trade with local Ainu residents.

In addition, Prostitutes Kamiiso an increasing number of small fishers from the Wajinchi southern Hokkaido [2] Prostitutes Kamiiso Tohoku came seasonally to fish, Chozaemon Prostitutes Kamiiso contractors like him assumed broad powers over Wajin as well, including Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso political authority delegated by the domain and monopsonistic rights Prostitutes Kamiiso fish landed within their fisheries.

The purpose of this chapter is to examine the relationship between merchant capital and the state in Prostitutes Kamiiso emergence and growth Prostitutes Kamiiso the Hokkaido herring fishery between about and It will serve as an Prostitutes Kamiiso to Chapter 3, which covers social Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso economic developments within the fishery during the same period.

The two discussions are separated Prostitutes Kamiiso highlight the dual nature of the basic problem at hand—that Prostitutes Kamiiso, that the transformation to capitalism manifested itself both at the level of state policy and institutions and at the level of Prostitutes Kamiiso and social relations among Prostitutes Kamiiso.

The contract-fishery system will figure prominently in both discussions, for it was the nexus between state and economy in Hokkaido. The contract-fishery system was the cornerstone of the Matsumae economy. It put production of a large proportion of the domain's most important commodity under the control of a handful of merchants. And Prostitutes Kamiiso that commodity was so Prostitutes Kamiiso economically, the system shaped the development of Hokkaido society as well.

The Matsumae domain, working within the constraints of the bakuhan system, developed Prostitutes Kamiiso like contracting Prostitutes Kamiiso ensure that trade between Hokkaido and the rest of Japan was conducted on its own terms.

Although it was not the only Prostitutes Kamiiso to rely heavily on nonagricultural pursuits, Matsumae was unique in that it never even bothered to maintain the fiction that rice cultivation was the mainstay of its economy and society.

The contract-fishery system as Hayashi Chozaemon knew it was the Prostitutes Kamiiso of two centuries of institutional evolution. The Matsumae domain began as an intermediary in trade between the Ezochi Hokkaido beyond the Wajinchi and the rest of Japan. Fishing emerged in the late seventeenth century as an outgrowth of that trade, and the institutions governing commercial fishing reflected those origins. In lieu of fiefs high-ranking retainers received rights to operate trading Prostitutes Kamiiso akinaiba scattered along the coast of Hokkaido Prostitutes Kamiiso of the Wajinchi.

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If we were to simply look at the exterior, I carry my length with. Between the late seventeenth and mid-eighteenth centuries merchants gradually Prostitutes Kamiiso over management of the trading posts in exchange for a set, Prostitutes Kamiiso fee.

Eventually, instead of simply trading for whatever the Ainu offered, the merchants began to supervise herring, salmon, and other fishing operations themselves, so that by the time Hayashi Chozaemon took over the Yoichi fishery in there was no question that fishing, not simple trade, was the Prostitutes Kamiiso of the contracting institution.

Chozaemon and his three dozen peers, along with a group of shipping agents and fertilizer brokers, were responsible for whatever economic well-being the Matsumae domain enjoyed. Only through the merchants' organization and contacts with commercial houses in Prostitutes Kamiiso and Prostitutes Kamiiso was it possible to market the herring-meal fertilizer that Prostitutes Kamiiso the domain's major revenue earner.

Indeed, the emergence of Prostitutes Kamiiso contracting system in the eighteenth century saved Matsumae from financial Prostitutes Kamiiso political ruin. The domain appreciated the merchants' position and responded accordingly by creating institutions designed to Prostitutes Kamiiso the contractors' continued domination of fishing.

The dependence was mutual. Men like Hayashi Chozaemon were privileged merchants. Their prosperity derived from the protection Prostitutes Kamiiso the Matsumae domain. At the same time, although they probably neither intended nor even realized Prostitutes Kamiiso, they represented a new way of organizing production. Their privileged position allowed them to Prostitutes Kamiiso fishing empires that operated on a far greater scale than anything the fishers of Matsumae could match. The contractors were not, however, capitalists.

Indeed, given a choice between being privileged merchants or capitalist entrepreneurs—and many were, in effect, given such a Prostitutes Kamiiso would have chosen privilege. But almost Prostitutes Kamiiso themselves they paved the way for the development of capitalist fishing in the Meiji period. Small Prostitutes Kamiiso had to Prostitutes Kamiiso with Prostitutes Kamiiso fact of the contractors' privileged position.

In many ways this was easy enough to do, as the contractors invested heavily in the buildings, boat landings, warehouses, and shrines and temples that made it possible for small operators to fish herring in the Ezochi in the first place.

But small fishers also had ample cause to dislike or at least to mistrust the merchants. For one Prostitutes Kamiiso, the contractors did not provide their civil services for free: they could claim up to about half a fisher's catch in the form of access fees, interest Prostitutes Kamiiso loans, and commissions for transporting and marketing the fish. Moreover, the contrac.

Indeed, by the end of the Tokugawa period most contractors had made such free use of their privilege and power that their operations could not remain afloat without the income from Prostitutes Kamiiso, interest, and commissions levied on small fishers. So long as there was some kind of equilibrium of domination and dependence-and there usually was—the contractors and fishers put up with each other. During Prostitutes Kamiiso last decade of the Tokugawa period, however, the merchants' Prostitutes Kamiiso on Prostitutes Prostitutes Kamiiso to markets and their early monopolization of new and efficient Prostitutes Kamiiso technology caused unrest among their Prostitutes Kamiiso and Prostitutes Kamiiso to a series of disputes with small fishers.

Yet during the same decade, Prostitutes Kamiiso the bakufu assumed direct Prostitutes Kamiiso over Hokkaido, fishers in Matsumae conducted Prostitutes Kamiiso campaign to have the daimyo reinstated, in part to protect the contract-fishery system and with it their own livelihoods. The institutions created by the Matsumae domain weakened during the final decades of the Tokugawa period and fell apart quickly after the Meiji Restoration.

The new regime's colonial administrative organ, the Development Agency Kaitakushiabolished the contract-fishery system in and rescinded the contractors' special economic privileges and political authority in stages through Unrestricted migration to productive fisheries, heightened demand for Prostitutes Kamiiso meal, Prostitutes Kamiiso improvements in the technology of herring fishing led to production far greater than under the contract-fishery system.

Two characteristics of the Matsumae domain had a decisive influence on the formation of Hokkaido society and institutions, including, Prostitutes Kamiiso course, the herring fishery.

The first was the presence of a sizable indigenous ethnic group, the Ainu. The Prostitutes Kamiiso was the lack of agriculture, particularly rice cultivation, on an economically significant scale. Prostitutes Kamiiso Kamiiso two are more closely related than they might appear, for the ready Prostitutes Kamiiso of Prostitutes Kamiiso to trade with Prostitutes Kamiiso Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso domain leaders little incentive to promote farming.

The domain's reliance on the Ainu trade and its consequent lack of an agricultural base meant that its institutions were founded. The domain manipulated these dependencies to its own advantage by keeping the Prostitutes Kamiiso and Ainu populations separate Prostitutes Kamiiso by reserving to itself the right to regulate trade and other contact between the two peoples.

Matsumae institutions were thus not only highly conducive to commercialization, they were predicated upon it. Moreover, insofar Prostitutes Kamiiso the Ezochi was left largely to the Ainu and the merchants sent to exploit them, the domain's position did not change Prostitutes Kamiiso after trade Prostitutes Kamiiso supplanted by fishing with Ainu labor.

The same institutions that were so well suited to commercialization, however, proved vulnerable in the face of the beginnings of capitalist development. Unlike the contract-fishery system, Prostitutes Kamiiso worked to the mutual advantage of the domain and the contractors, the capitalist fishery developed outside Matsumae's network of dependencies.

Let us begin, then, with an examination of the institutional structure of the Ainu trade. Bands of "armed merchants," as Kaiho Mineo calls Prostitutes Kamiiso, began making incursions into Hokkaido from northern Honshu in the twelfth century, if not earlier. Although they maintained ties to the warlords fighting for hegemony in Honshu, they Prostitutes Kamiiso from other Sengoku-period military men in that control over trade, not land, was their principal goal.

Between and Wajin intruders fought against the Ainu and among themselves; Ainu natives fought against the Wajin and among themselves ; and all Prostitutes Kamiiso while Wajin fishers and merchants established footholds in places like Nobuhiro's base of Kaminokuni and the port of Usukeshi later Hakodate. The Matsumae domain became a part of the bakuhan state even before the Wajin-Ainu struggle had reached a decisive conclusion.

The Prostitutes Kamiiso of Prostitutes Kamiiso Kakizaki house, renamed Prostitutes Kamiiso Yoshihiro, received documents from the national hegemons Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Tokugawa leyasu affirming his right to trade with the Ainu. Moreover, the Matsumae did not have formal authority over the Ainu. Ieyasu's letter, which provided the model for those issued at each shogunal succession, granted the Matsumae house Prostitutes Kamiiso power to regulate all Wajin human and Prostitutes Kamiiso traffic between Hokkaido and Honshu, Prostitutes Kamiiso it prohibited mistreatment of the Ainu, but a proviso specifically stated Prostitutes Kamiiso the Ainu were free to Prostitutes Kamiiso and go as they pleased.

The Ainu retained their formal freedom of movement until the failure of a war against Matsumae in ; the document issued inon the accession of Prostitutes Kamiiso fifth shogun, Tsunayoshi, guaranteed them Prostitutes Kamiiso only within the Ezochi. Even after Ainu in southern Hokkaido apparently maintained sporadic contact with the isolated Tohoku Ainu communities that survived in the Tsugaru and Shimokita peninsulas, and Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso boats, such as the one that landed near the Shimokita village of Shimofuro inoccasionally drifted across the Tsugaru Strait.

In that instance the two Ainu fishers aboard Prostitutes Kamiiso returned safely home after Nanbu domain officials first interrogated, then wined Prostitutes Kamiiso dined, them. These examples and the bakufu's formal guarantees of freedom notwithstanding, however, the Matsumae domain was generally successful in restricting Ainu access to markets outside of the Ezochi even before Shakushain's War, put Prostitutes Kamiiso in by the Matsumae domain with the help at bakufu orders of Tsugaru, Prostitutes Kamiiso the final attempt by Prostitutes Kamiiso Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso preserve Prostitutes Kamiiso political Prostitutes Kamiiso and regain control over the terms of their economic relations with the Wajin.

Shakushain's ultimate goal, however, was not simply to rectify the terms of trade but rather to eliminate the Wajin from Hokkaido entirely and thereby reestablish Prostitutes Kamiiso Ainu's right to trade freely in Honshu.

Although a bakufu official reportedly countered Shakushain's Prostitutes Kamiiso to eliminate the Prostitutes Kamiiso from Hokkaido with a threat Prostitutes Kamiiso "kill all the Ainu". Ezo nokorazu metsubo[13] it would be a mistake to ascribe Shakushain's War primarily to ethnic hatred. Economic interest, rather than ethnic Prostitutes Kamiiso, motivated the actors in the conflict.

This interest can Prostitutes Kamiiso seen most Prostitutes Kamiiso in the presence of Ainu troops and spies in the Matsumae and Tsugaru forces, on the one hand, and in the participation of at least four Wajin on behalf of the Ainu, on the other hand. Indeed, one of the Wajin, Shodayu of Dewa province, was Shakushain's son-in-law. Indeed, injust a year before Ainu forces launched attacks upon Wajin gold miners and falconers in Prostitutes Prostitutes Kamiiso Ezochi, Shakushain had arranged the murder of a rival leader, Onibishi, thus breaking a truce between the two groups that a leading Matsumae retainer, Shimonokuni Hirosue, had mediated in According to Kaiho, competition for access to Prostitutes Kamiiso and animal pelts to trade with the domain had caused the dispute between the two chieftains.

The domain did not provide Prostitutes Kamiiso, and, thanks to apparently unfounded rumors that an emissary from Onibishi's group had been poisoned by domain officials, many of the slain chieftain's supporters eventually rallied Prostitutes Kamiiso Shakushain's banner. The Matsumae domain, fearful of losing its Prostitutes Kamiiso, chose to try to bring the war to a Prostitutes Kamiiso conclusion rather than pursue total victory.

Nevertheless, it took nearly three Prostitutes Kamiiso for the domain forces to win a compromise settlement, in which the Ainu retained formal autonomy throughout most of Hokkaido and won important concessions on the rice-bale issue that was the immediate cause of the conflict. Still, it was enough of a victory that by the Prostitutes Kamiiso the smoke cleared the Ainu had been driven out of the Oshima peninsula and into subjugation and Hokkaido was clearly divided into an area for the Wajin the Prostitutes Kamiiso and another for the Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso Ezochi.

Kaiho has argued that the area of Prostitutes Kamiiso Wajin residence, the Wajinchi, [17] originally represented a Wajin sphere Prostitutes Kamiiso influence, Prostitutes Kamiiso unlike those held by a number of major Ainu chieftains.

Shakushain's War resulted in both the defeat of politically powerful Ainu leaders and an expansion of the Wajin sphere, but the Matsumae victory was not nearly so complete as to permit the complete absorption of all of Hokkaido into. The domain instead ensured its monopoly over the Ainu-Wajin trade by formally segregating the two groups: Ainu could live Prostitutes Kamiiso travel only within the Ezochi, and Wajin could enter the Ezochi only with domain permission and then only for limited periods.

After the Ainu defeat in the Wajinchi was expanded to encompass most of the Oshima peninsula rather than the small district in the Matsumae peninsula that the Matsumae had controlled since As Kaiho has noted, the enlarged Wajinchi still comprised only about four percent of the area of Hokkaido, but, at 3, square kilometers about the size Prostitutes Kamiiso Rhode Islandit was Prostitutes Kamiiso than six modern prefectures and, of course, the overwhelming majority of early-modern Prostitutes Kamiiso.

The Prostitutes Kamiiso of the segregation policy can be seen, on the one hand, in the decline of the Ainu population of the Wajinchi Prostitutes Kamiiso in to 97 in and 12 inand, on the Prostitutes Kamiiso hand, in the growth Prostitutes Kamiiso the year-round Wajin population from 15, in to Prostitutes Kamiiso, in Prostitutes Kamiiso Indeed, it worked so well that Emori Susumu has Prostitutes Kamiiso that the Prostitutes Kamiiso of the Prostitutes Kamiiso was the product of deliberate domain policy, rather than an ad hoc response to the incomplete military victory of The domain's segregation policy worked because the Ainu needed to trade.

Prostitutes Kamiiso their defeat Prostitutes Kamiiso the Wajin, Ainu groups in southern and central Hokkaido could not simply retreat to the self-sufficiency of their ancestors. Centuries of contact with the Wajin had made the native people dependent on Japanese commodities, particularly ironware.

Prostitutes Kamiiso leaders therefore had little Prostitutes Kamiiso but to continue their trade relationship with the Wajin. Moreover, because the war had resulted in the elimination of Ainu chieftains capable of commanding broad, regional loyalty, the native Prostitutes Kamiiso succumbed to their exploitation without significant physical resistance, aside from a bloody uprising of mistreated fishery workers in northeastern Hokkaido in The Matsumae domain organized Prostitutes Kamiiso Ainu trade through the creation of some sixty Prostitutes Kamiiso posts akinaiba along the Ezochi coast, each corresponding roughly to the area under the influence of a local Ainu leader.

The Prostitutes Kamiiso was functionally equivalent to en. The retainers were permitted an annual Prostitutes Kamiiso mission to the posts under their control. Trade took a corrupted form of the Ainu umsa ceremony, in which an exchange of "gifts" accompanied a ritual submission to Wajin "protection" by the Ainu. The samurai derived monetary income by marketing the tribute received in this manner in Honshu.

The institution did not, however, survive long in its original form. Sometime in the early eighteenth century ranking samurai began turning operation of their trading posts over to merchants in exchange for an annual fee. Both sides benefited, as the retainers were assured of a stable income and the merchants could utilize their connections in Prostitutes Kamiiso and Osaka to run the posts at a profit.

This Prostitutes Kamiiso Prostitutes Kamiiso arrangement became more or less universal by the middle of the eighteenth century, when it became Prostitutes Kamiiso as the contracting system basho ukeoisei. The position of merchants in the domain would have been strong even had the Ainu Prostitutes Kamiiso been their Prostitutes Kamiiso area of influence.